Process of Victimization or Perpetrators’ Process of Victimization

Dr. Wendy Dutton explains the “Process of Victimization” 
The process of victimization refers to the events that precede sexual abuse and its aftermath.  Discussion of the process helps to explain children’s counter-intuitive reactions to sexual abuse.  The process is conceptualized as having five stages:
 
  1. Victim Selection:  Specific characteristics that make some children more vulnerable to abuse and less likely to report.  Age, disabilities, family problems, and/or personality characteristics may impact whether a child will resist or disclose abuse.
  2. Engagement:  Children report that they are most often abused by someone with whom they have a relationship, or because the perpetrator cultivated a relationship with them or their caretakers.  Children report that perpetrators establish a special relationship through complements, gifts, or assistance to family members.  Children also report that perpetrators establish a controlling relationship and intimidate them through emotional or physical abuse.  
  3. Grooming:  Children report that perpetrators introduce them to physical contact and sexuality.  Physical contact, such as horseplay, lap-sitting, or snuggling, can make children feel special and further reinforce the bond they feel with perpetrators.   Intrusive behavior-such as intruding on the child’s personal space-can be intimidating.  Introducing sexuality through conversations or pornography can also intimidate children, or contribute to a sense of shared responsibility for the abuse.
  4. Assault:  Hands-on sexual contact with the child victim.  Often the first assault can occur during horseplay or tickling, and the child victim may misinterpret the sexual contact as an accident.
  5. Concealment:  Children report that perpetrators discourage them from reporting the abuse through manipulation or threats.
The research she relies upon includes:
Berliner & Conte, 1990; Budin, & Johnson, 1989; Conte et al., 1989; Eliot et al., 1995; Hindman, 1989; Leclerc et al., 2005; Pryor, 1996; Salter, 2003; Underwood et al., 1999; Ward et al, 1995.

Areas of Inquiry and Summary for Expert Testimony and Supporting Research Citations
Wendy A. Dutton, M.A., Ph.D., LPC, (2012)
 
BOTTOM LINE:
  • Dr. Dutton relies on eight studies for her testimony. Seven of these are specifically based on interviews with offenders. Even the eighth study (Berliner) states it is “The companion study to this one, in which offenders in treatment were interviewed,” (p. 38).  
  • Dutton identifies three books she relies upon for her testimony. Books are not peer reviewed studies. Two of the books (Pryor and Salter) are based solely upon interviews with perpetrators. The third (Hindman) is a therapy book written by an unlicensed child advocate with no identified college education.  
  • Only one study has “process of victimization” in its title – Berliner (reviewed below). Regarding their interviews of 23 children, the authors state, “The sample was by no means representative of all victimized children and their experience.” Dr. Dutton’s five elements in her (Perpetrators’) “Process of Victimization” are only vaguely related to the three processes identified in this study.
  • This study is literally the only research study ever published that uses the term “process of victimization” in its title. Where exactly did Dr. Dutton find a study that had the five elements that she describes?
  • Dutton’s “Process of Victimization” is more properly described as “Perpetrators’ Process of Victimization” based on all eight of the studies and two of the books she relies upon. Is this profiling testimony?  See THE STATE OF ARIZONA v. GARY E. STARKS, No. 2 CA-CR 2019-0288, ARIZONA COURT OF APPEALS DIVISION TWO, May 27, 2021.
The Studies
Berliner & Conte
The process of victimization: The victims’ perspective.  
Child Abuse & Neglect, Vol 14(1), 1990. pp. 29-40.
Abstract:
Interviewed 23 child victims (aged 10–18 yrs) of childhood sexual abuse (SA) about the victimization process (VP), the person who abused them, and how abuse might have been prevented. Almost half of the Ss had been victimized by more than 1 person. There was no single pattern or kind of SA victimization. The VP involved 3 overlapping processes: sexualization of the relationship, justification of the sexual contact, and maintenance of the S’s cooperation. Sexualization of the relationship generally took place gradually and began with normal affectional contact. Most offenders made statements to rationalize or justify the behavior, particularly by saying the behavior was not really sexual or that it was sexual but acceptable. Cooperation was gained through threats or intimidation or exploiting the S’s vulnerabilities.
 
Highlights of this study:
  • The entire sample was 23 children aged 10 to 18 years of age who had been in therapy for their abuse.  “The sample was by no means representative of all victimized children and their experience.” (p. 30)
  • The offenders were limited to fathers, mothers’ boyfriend, neighbors, and babysitters. Does this small study generalize to grandfathers, stepfathers, etc.? (p. 30)
  • “Almost half the sample had already been victimized by more than one person (9 by 2 offenders); 1 by 3 offenders; and 1 by 5 different offenders). There was no single pattern or kind of sexual abuse victimization. Even within a group of ongoing molestation situations, there was a startling variety of relationships.” (p. 31)
  • “The children described ambivalent feelings for the offender. The majority (n = 14) described the relationship as positive; others described it as neutral (n = 6) or negative (n = 3). They reported a range of emotions. Over half said that they loved him, liked him, needed or depended on him. Almost half of the children also endorsed the statement, “I hated him.” Some had known the offender their whole lives (n = 7). For the others, the length of time they knew the offender before the abuse ranged from 5 to 10 years (n = 4); 1 to 4 years (n = 6); to 6 months or less (n = 6).” (p. 32)”
  • “Pre-abuse indicators. Many of the children described the offender as doing or saying things before the molestation began which caused them to feel that the offender was thinking of them in a sexual way. (We had no way of checking the accuracy of children’s reports that before sexual abuse they recognized that certain things the offender did or said were indicative of sexual abuse. It may well be that children can identify these events as “‘warning signs” only after the sexual abuse has taken place. Certainly, for some of the children the abuse began before they knew what was being done to them was sexual or that it was not an appropriate thing for adults to do with children. These children may have no idea what the adult’s behavior was leading to. Other children may experience an uneasy feeling or discomfort, perhaps picked up from the offender’s anxiety or from some sense that things were not right, which comes to be a warning sign because it is often paired with sexual abuse.” (p. 33)
  • “Half of the children said they were not permitted to do things that other kids did or were questioned or accused about sexual activities with peers. About half described being treated more favorably or being given money or clothes. The majority agreed that the offender did not respect privacy, engaged in a lot of physical contact, and would touch them in their sexual parts or expose themselves, ostensibly accidentally.” (p. 34)
  • “The children confirmed that in most cases offenders made statements about the sexual activity to justify it.” (p. 34)
  • “Almost all of the children reported some type of coercion either to gain cooperation or to prevent reporting.” (p. 34)
  • “Three different but overlapping processes can be identified: sexualization of the relationship, justification of the sexual contact, and maintenance of the child’s cooperation.” (p. 37)
  • “The sexualization of the relationship most often appears to take place gradually.” (p. 37)
  • “Most of the offenders were reported to have made statements to rationalize or justify the behavior.” (p. 37)
  • “A third aspect of the victimization process is the way offenders find to engage the children in sexual relationships, keep them involved, and prevent them from telling. Sometimes it is through threats and intimidation. Far more often they seem to have an instinct for discovering a particular child’s vulnerability and exploiting it toward the end of controlling the child, thus obviating the need to use more overt forms of coercion.” (pp. 37-38)
  • “The companion study to this one, in which offenders in treatment were interviewed, provides overwhelming evidence that they are fully aware of the process they employ (Conte et al., 1989). They report targeting children for victimization, systematically conditioning them to accept increasing sexual physical contact, and exploiting the children’s needs in order to maintain them as available victims.” (p. 38)
 
LE Budin, CF Johnson 
Sex abuse prevention programs: Offenders’ attitudes about their efficacy
Child Abuse & Neglect, 1989 – Elsevier
Abstract:
Little scientific basis exists for the content of school-based programs which are intended to help children protect themselves from sexual abuse. Children are taught about protecting themselves from a stereotypical old male stranger, yet perpetrators are most frequently young, known to the victim, and use a variety of methods to gain access to children. Programs generally include concepts of body ownership, acceptable touching, good vs. bad secrets, saying no, telling, and trusting one’s intuition. Seventy-two prison inmates incarcerated for child sexual abuse were surveyed to evaluate their attitudes about the effectiveness of topics intended to prevent abuse. Offenders described the ideal victim and the modus operandi they used to involve children. Inmates indicated which topics in prevention programs they believed were efficacious and which topics would have little value in preventing abuse. Responses of incestuous and nonincestuous abusers were compared. Inmates indicated that parents could help prevent child abuse and that they must be involved if programs are to be effective. Information from abusers is useful and can be incorporated into programs if the potential for prevention of abuse is to be improved.
 
Conte, J., Wolf, S., & Smith, T. (1989).  
What sexual offenders tell us about prevention strategies.  
Journal of Child Abuse & Neglect, 13, 293-301.
Abstract
A sample of 20 adult sexual offenders were interviewed about the process whereby they selected, recruited, and maintained children in a sexual abuse situation. Offenders were selected if they were making “successful” progress in treatment in order that they might be less likely to distort their descriptions. Offenders were interviewed by their therapist in a community treatment program using a semistructured interview guide. Results suggest that this sample of offenders claim a special ability to identify vulnerable children, to use that vulnerability to sexually use a child, that sexual abuse is inherently coercive, even though many offender statements minimize the level of coercion and violence, and that offenders systematically desensitize children to touch. Implications for prevention of sexual abuse are highlighted.
 
Elliot, M., Browne, K., & Kilcoyne, J. (1995).  
Child sexual abuse prevention:  What offenders tell us.  
Journal of Child Abuse & Neglect, 19, 579-594.
Abstract
Ninety-one child sex offenders were interviewed about the methods they used to target children, the age range of their victims, how they selected children and maintained them as victims, and what suggestions they had for preventing child sexual abuse. Offenders were selected from treatment programs, probation, special hospitals, and prisons. They were interviewed using a semi-structured questionnaire. Results indicate that offenders gained access to children through caretaking, such as babysitting; targeted children by using bribes, gifts and games; used force, anger, threats, and bribes to ensure their continuing compliance; and systematically desensitized children through touch, talk about sex, and persuasion. Nearly half the offenders had no bad feelings about sexually abusing children. The implications for prevention programs are discussed.
 
Hindman, J. (1989). 
Just Before Dawn.  
Ontario, OR: Alex Andria Associates.
Book (not a peer reviewed study).
(It is interesting to note that the author, Jan Hindman, does not appear to have any college education or professional certifications/licensure. At the time of publication in 1989 she was providing treatment and assessment to sexual offenders and their families. But there is no mention of her working with victims of sexual abuse. This appears to be a counseling book written by a lay counselor with no college education.  It certainly is not a scholarly research study by any measure and has not been vetted through independent review. But Dr. Dutton is basing her testimony on this book.)
 
(from the back cover)
From the shadows of tradition
The tragedy of tradition holds professionals and victims bound to archaic and unfounded ideas regarding the nature of trauma suffered through sexual victimization. For decades, the focus of child sexual abuse has leaned toward the perpetrator in understanding deviant arousal patterns, recidivism rates, and profiles. Attention to victims has palled in comparison to efforts in contemplating the intricacies of sexual offenders. In fact, therapeutic treatment plans for victims are often modeled from a modality relating to the sexual offender. 
 
Sexual abuse of children was recognized as a crime during the turn of the century, our legal system developed a matrix to determine the seriousness of crimes and therefore, the dangerousness of criminals. Age, Penetration, Frequency and Violence were often the four components used in this system of assessment. Unfortunately, the therapeutic community seems to follow the same pattern in developing treatment plans for victims. Sadly, this may be the final abuse to sexual victims as offenders not only controlled victims through sexual abuse, but have the ultimate power over the victim’s rehabilitation and professionals follow these tragic traditional patterns.
 
“Just Before Dawn” provides a new reflection in evaluating the trauma suffered by sexual victims. Finally, effort has been put forth to depart from a traditional system for evaluating offenders, creating a “Renaissance” or new dimension concentrating on the “robbery of childhood” and it’s effects. The welcome result is a more effective and comprehensive Trauma Assessment and Treatment plan, leading the victim from the power of the offender to finally breaking the “trauma bond.”
 
“Just Before Dawn” is founded on data and development concerning sexual abuse victims ranging in age from infancy to the elderly. Over a sixteen year period, victims were assessed and monitored through a combination of modalities. A methodological, comprehensive system of assessment is the product of this absolutely necessary publication.
 
Leclerc, B. Proulx, J., & McKibben, A. (2005).  
Modus operandi of sexual offenders working or doing voluntary work with children and adolescents.   
Journal of Sexual Aggression, 11, 187-195.
Abstract
The aim of this study was to provide the first empirical description of the modus operandi of sexual offenders working or doing voluntary work with children and adolescents across all aspects of offender–victim interactions. The modus operandi was studied along the offence continuum, which included strategies used for gaining the victim’s trust, getting the victim to participate in sexual activity and keeping the victim from telling someone about the sexual contact. Twenty-three offenders agreed to participate in this study. They were recruited from prisons, probation and parole services, penitentiaries and treatment programs. Three sources of information were used. The most important source was the Modus Operandi Questionnaire (MOQ) developed by Kaufman. Data were also obtained from semi-structured interviews conducted with the offenders and from official sources, such as police reports and victim statements. Our results suggest that the modus operandi of these sexual offenders depended on their position of trust in relation to their victim. In fact, they used non-coercive strategies to achieve victim compliance. Implications for prevention strategies are also highlighted.
 
Pryor, D.W. (1996). 
Unspeakable Acts:  Why Men Sexually Abuse Children.  
New York:  New York University Press.
Book description (not a peer reviewed study)
A holistic sociological approach that explores why offenders sexually abuse children
 
The sexual abuse of children is one of the most morally unsettling and emotionally inflammatory issues in American society today. It has been estimated that roughly one out of every four girls and one in ten boys experience some form of unwanted sexual attention either inside or outside the family before they reach adulthood.
 
How should society deal with the sexual victimization of children? Should known offenders be released back into our communities? If so, where, and with what rights, should they be allowed to live? In Unspeakable Acts, Douglas W. Pryor argues that much of this debate, designed to deal with abusers after they have offended, ignores the important issue of why men cross these forbidden sexual boundaries to molest children in the first place and how the behavior can possibly be prevented before it starts.
 
Incorporating in-depth interviews with more than thirty convicted child molesters, Pryor explores how men become involved with breaking sexual boundaries with children. He looks at how their lives prior to offending contributed to and led up to what they did, the ways that initial interest in sex with children began, the tactics offenders employed to molest their victims over time, how they felt about and reacted to their behavior between offending episodes, and how they were ultimately able to stop.
 
The author expands our understanding of this often reviled, little understood group, leaving us with the uneasy conclusion that the moral wall separating us from what is defined as extreme, sick behavior is not as opaque as we would like to believe.
 
Salter, A.C. (2003).  
Predators, Pedophiles, Rapists & Other Sex Offenders.  
New York:  Basic Books.
Book description (not a peer reviewed study)
What motivates sexual abusers? Why are so few caught? Drawing on the stories of abusers, Anna C. Salter shows that sexual predators use sophisticated deception techniques and rely on misconceptions surrounding them to evade discovery. Arguing that even the most knowledgeable among us can be fooled, Salter dispels the myths about sexual predators and gives us the tools to protect our families and ourselves.
 
Underwood, R., Patch, P., Cappelletty, G., & Wolfe, R. (1999). 
Do sexual offenders molest when other persons are present?  A preliminary investigation.  
Sexual Abuse:  A Journal of Research and Treatment, 11, 243-247.
Abstract:
This study utilized a rough clinical survey to assess the prevalence of child molestation perpetrated in the presence of other non-collaborating persons. Survey data were gathered on 131 post-incarcerated adult sex offenders at two community treatment programs. Subjects were divided into two groups, child molesters (CMs) and nonmolesters (NCMs). Results indicated that 54.9% of the CMs had molested when another child was present, 23.9% had molested when another adult was present, and 14.2% had molested when both a child and an adult were present. Both groups implicated increased excitement, a sense of mastery, and compulsive sexual behavior as the reasons for this type of offense. Moreover, the data indicated that approximately 63% of the offenders who had not molested in the presence of other persons felt they may have progressed to that point had they not been arrested and placed in treatment. Limitations of the study are discussed.
 
Ward, T., Louden, K., Hudson, S.M. & Marshall, W.L. (1995).  
A descriptive model of the offense chain for child molesters.  
Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 10, 452-472.
Abstract
A grounded theory approach was taken to the qualitative analysis of the descriptions of thoughts and feelings provided by 26 incarcerated child molesters while describing their most recent or typical offense. The resulting descriptive model comprised nine stages, with three contributing factors that describe the sequence of cognitive and behavioral events that form an offense chain. The model incorporates offender type, offense type, and offers a description of the possible interactions between the various stages and factors. The model was then applied to the offense descriptions of an independent sample of 12 incarcerated child molesters in order to ascertain its cross-sample validity and the reliability of classification. The results suggest that the model has provisional validity and adequate interrater reliability. The theoretical, research, and clinical implications of the descriptive model are then discussed.